GAP’s first aim is to
provide a picture of a media source’s attention profile on a given day. Because
the scrapers are constrained by the date range of the given search engine, a
given picture might represent a time period from the past 14 days to the past
several years.
The following is a
picture of Reuters’ attention profile for June 11th – 25th.
The coloring of the map represents what percentage of stories detected by the
GAP scraper reference a particular nation. A search for Iraq turns up 1,352
stories, of 13,360 total retrieved in this time period, or 10.11% – as a
result, Iraq is colored bright red. Algeria, by contrast, retrieves 2
stories, or 0.015%, and is colored deep blue. In the two week period, there are
no stories about Mauritania, Turkmenistan, Madagascar and a few others, so they
are colored grey.


A map for this brief a
time period does a good job of revealing breaking stories. Liberia and neighboring
Sierra Leone stand out in red, against neighbors in blue and grey, due to rebel
activity in Liberia, some from bases in Sierra Leone. The area around Iraq is
still bright red, in the aftermath of the US/UK invasion. These maps change
quite quickly – a map taken two weeks later will use data that has no overlap
with data plotted in this map, and it’s likely there will be some major
coloration change. (Readers can check – a map approximately two weeks later is
available online at http://h2odev.law.harvard.edu/ezuckerman/maps/reuthits20030711.jpg)
Maps of longer time
periods are useful to get a clearer sense for overall media trends. The
following map of CNN represents stories from 1996 to the present. As a result,
it does a poor job of showing current stories, but a better job of showing
overall patterns of coverage.


Generally speaking,
coverage is concentrated in Western Europe, the Middle East and Southeast Asia,
with good coverage in the large economies of China, Japan, Mexico and Canada. There
is very little coverage in most of Africa (Kenya, with the 1998 US embassy
bombings, and South Africa, the largest economy in the region are exceptions),
in Central Asia, Eastern Europe and in most of Central and South America (the
large economies of Mexico, Brazil and Argentina are exceptions.
A map of BBC coverage
for a similar time period (1997 – present) contrasts sharply:


The pastel tones imply
a more even media distribution than on the CNN map. (If each country got the
same number of stories, each would have 0.54% of stories and would be colored
light pink.) Africa is a major contrast – while French-speaking parts of West
Africa are blue, the English speaking parts of West Africa, as well as most of
East and Southern Africa, are well covered. Central Asia and Central America
are still sparsely represented, and there is a surprising blue patch over
Scandinavia, better represented on the CNN map. (It is possible that some of
the low counts in Western Europe are a result of BBC’s tendency to refer to
European cities without mentioning the country they’re located in, something
American media sources do less frequently.)
Such different maps
suggest that BBC and CNN have different criteria for story selection, place
reporters differently, and generally have a different way of paying attention.
Correlating story counts to population and GDP bears this suspicion out. CNN
shows correlation to population (R2=0.49), but much stronger correlation to GDP (R2=0.69). BBC is just the opposite – it is
loosely correlated to GDP (R2=0.38) but tightly correlated to population (R2=0.67)[1].
The maps thus far
speak volumes about how stories are distributed, but not how they should be distributed. In every map generated
thus far, Iraq has at least 1% of total stories, more than 3.2% in two of the
three maps. Is Iraq receiving more attention than one would generally expect,
due to the recent war, or is Iraq sufficiently important to warrant this
attention?
To answer this
question, GAP estimates likely story distributions, extrapolating from actual
story distributions.
An extremely naïve
estimator model would make the assumption that every nation should receive the
same amount of attention. Thus, one would assume each nation should have 0.54%
of retrieved stories, and would mark nations that received more as “high
attention” and those receiving fewer as “low attention”. This model does not
stand up to close examination, though – is it really reasonable to expect Tonga
to receive as much attention, with a population of 100,000, as China would with
a population of 1.3 billion?
Acknowledging this
problem, one might advance the “Andy Warhol model” – an assumption that
everyone will receive 15 minutes of fame – and assume that story distribution
would be directly proportional to population distribution. For this to hold
true, every story on Tonga would be counterbalanced by 12,700 stories on China.
Obviously, this is not the case – even a small nation like Tonga appears
periodically in mainstream media, if only to acknowledge its participation in
UN votes or international rugby matches.
To create a less naïve
population-based estimator model, actual results from the scrapers are examined,
to look for correlation between population and story count. On news.google.com,
a loose correlation exists (R2=0.45) between population and story count.
Using the equation from the best fit curve, one can speculate what a story
distribution would be if story count and population were perfectly
correlated. The next step is to compare actual distribution to this estimation
and map the differences. (This process is described in more detail in the Correlation subsection of the
preceding Methodology section.
Here is the resulting
map for news.google.com on June 27, 2003
Western Europe,
Australia, New Zealand and Canada are in shades of red – each has a
comparatively small population but receives a good deal of media attention,
generally 2 to 4 times what one would expect based on their population. The
Middle East, the Korean Peninsula and a few African nations appear in red,
probably due to breaking news (the ongoing violence in Liberia, Mugabe’s
struggle for power in Zimbabwe, North Korea’s nuclear threats).
Most of Central and
South America are blue, as is most of the African continent, Eastern Europe and
Central Asia. Some countries receive fewer than 1/4 of the coverage one would
expect based on their population. China, Indonesia and India, three of the four
most populous nations, show up medium blue – with such large populations, they
would need a large number of stories to meet their expected distributions.
If one expects the
4,500 news sources tracked by Google News[2]
to represent the world’s population evenly, this map suggests imminent
disappointment, especially if one is searching for news on poor countries.
Given this map’s resemblance to a map of GDP per capita (rich nations in red,
poor ones in blue), a logical next step is to build a second estimate based on
national GDP. Using the same technique, the following map is generated,
representing deviation of actual Google News results from a GDP-based
estimation on June 27, 2003:


The predominance of
white and pastel colors reflects the fact that GDP is far more closely
correlated to Google News results than population (R2=0.62 versus R2=0.45) Several large economies – Western
Europe, Japan, South Korea – suddenly appear as underrepresented, while a
number of African nations register as over-represented. Central Asia and South
America remain blue, less represented than would be expected in either GDP or
population terms.
CNN’s GDP and
population maps give one a sense for how these variations play out in the long
term, as CNN results represent over half a decade of data.
CNN variation from
population estimates, June 27, 2003:


Over the long term,
Africa, South and Central America, Eastern Europe and Central Asia receive less
attention than predicted, while Western Europe, the Middle East, Russia and
Oceania receive more than predicted. The picture in terms of GDP is quite
different:

While West Africa
still goes largely unwatched, Southern and Central Africa receive attention
disproportionate to their economies. Parts of Central Asia now see attention
proportional to their GDP, if not to their population. Southeast Asia also
receives more attention than would be predicted, while parts of Western Europe
receive less than anticipated.
Largely unchanged
between the two maps is the Middle East, better represented than one should
expect based on either population or GDP. South and Central America go
underrepresented by both estimations. Especially interesting are Brazil and
Argentina, large countries (5th and 31st in 2001
population) with large economies (11th and 17th
respectively in 2001 GDP).
Since neither
population nor GDP gives a fully accurate estimate of story distribution, one
may ask whether any other factor provides a better picture of how stories are
distributed. To answer this question, the results from all nine scrapers were
correlated with 21 data sets provided by the World Bank. A chart below
summarizes the correlations:
Values shown are the value of the squared correlation (R2) between the data set and the power series regression equation. For all correlations, p<0.0001.
|
|
AP |
AltaVista |
BBC |
CNN |
Google |
NYPost |
NYTimes |
Reuters |
WPost |
Average |
|
GDP |
0.53 |
0.66 |
0.38 |
0.69 |
0.62 |
0.64 |
0.66 |
0.52 |
0.53 |
0.58 |
|
Goods and
service imports |
0.53 |
0.67 |
0.31 |
0.69 |
0.64 |
0.62 |
0.66 |
0.52 |
0.53 |
0.58 |
|
Total PCs |
0.53 |
0.66 |
0.35 |
0.69 |
0.62 |
0.64 |
0.64 |
0.49 |
0.53 |
0.57 |
|
Urban
Population |
0.50 |
0.55 |
0.62 |
0.58 |
0.53 |
0.49 |
0.59 |
0.50 |
0.53 |
0.55 |
|
Goods and
service exports |
0.50 |
0.64 |
0.29 |
0.66 |
0.61 |
0.58 |
0.62 |
0.46 |
0.49 |
0.54 |
|
Military
personnel |
0.41 |
0.45 |
0.58 |
0.56 |
0.48 |
0.41 |
0.50 |
0.45 |
0.44 |
0.47 |
|
Internet
Users |
0.44 |
0.58 |
0.24 |
0.59 |
0.55 |
0.53 |
0.52 |
0.40 |
0.44 |
0.48 |
|
Population |
0.42 |
0.45 |
0.67 |
0.49 |
0.45 |
0.37 |
0.50 |
0.44 |
0.44 |
0.47 |
|
Mobile
Phones |
0.42 |
0.55 |
0.26 |
0.53 |
0.52 |
0.50 |
0.53 |
0.45 |
0.42 |
0.47 |
|
Literate
Population |
0.40 |
0.44 |
0.64 |
0.49 |
0.46 |
0.38 |
0.48 |
0.38 |
0.46 |
0.46 |
|
Aircraft
Departures |
0.37 |
0.52 |
0.23 |
0.53 |
0.50 |
0.42 |
0.42 |
0.35 |
0.41 |
0.42 |
|
Kilometers
of road |
0.37 |
0.41 |
0.45 |
0.44 |
0.41 |
0.36 |
0.44 |
0.36 |
0.34 |
0.40 |
|
Foreign
direct investment |
0.35 |
0.46 |
0.14 |
0.45 |
0.41 |
0.46 |
0.42 |
0.34 |
0.37 |
0.38 |
|
Tourism,
arrivals |
0.34 |
0.44 |
0.13 |
0.42 |
0.42 |
0.42 |
0.44 |
0.34 |
0.35 |
0.37 |
|
Currency
transfer from abroad |
0.32 |
0.34 |
0.24 |
0.36 |
0.32 |
0.40 |
0.42 |
0.24 |
0.32 |
0.33 |
|
Tourism,
receipts |
0.27 |
0.44 |
0.08 |
0.41 |
0.37 |
0.41 |
0.38 |
0.30 |
0.35 |
0.33 |
|
Arable
Land |
0.28 |
0.28 |
0.50 |
0.29 |
0.29 |
0.24 |
0.31 |
0.29 |
0.30 |
0.31 |
|
Workers
remittances |
0.20 |
0.30 |
0.27 |
0.35 |
0.31 |
0.48 |
0.35 |
0.20 |
0.23 |
0.30 |
|
Surface
area |
0.21 |
0.17 |
0.40 |
0.21 |
0.18 |
0.14 |
0.23 |
0.20 |
0.19 |
0.22 |
|
Freshwater
resources |
0.07 |
0.08 |
0.19 |
0.14 |
0.08 |
0.07 |
0.09 |
0.06 |
0.12 |
0.10 |
|
Development
assistance |
0.09 |
0.07 |
0.14 |
0.08 |
0.08 |
0.07 |
0.10 |
0.10 |
0.10 |
0.09 |
Five of the factors –
total GDP, imports and exports of goods and services, total personal computers
nationwide and urban population – correlate well with scraper results: their
squared correlation(R2) is 0.5 or better, which means that more than
half the data distribution is explainable by the correlating equation. Seven
factors – military personnel, Internet users, population, literate population,
aircraft departures and kilometers of road – are loosely correlated to scraper
results: their R2 correlation is above 0.4. The remaining nine
factors are probably not correlated to article distribution as reported by
scrapers.
GDP and Goods and
Service Imports tie for highest correlation, with R2=0.58 on average. All data sets except BBC are
most closely correlated to either GDP or goods and service imports – BBC,
alone, is most closely correlated to population.
Dividing the 21 World
Bank data sets into five categories – Economic Indicators, Population Indicators,
Technology Indicators, Globalization Indicators and Physical Indicators – helps
provide a sense for what types of data correlate most closely to story
distribution:
|
|
AP |
AltaVista |
BBC |
CNN |
Google |
NYPost |
NYTimes |
Reuters |
WPost |
Average |
|
Economic indicators |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
GDP |
0.53 |
0.66 |
0.38 |
0.69 |
0.62 |
0.64 |
0.66 |
0.52 |
0.53 |
0.58 |
|
Goods and service
imports |
0.53 |
0.67 |
0.31 |
0.69 |
0.64 |
0.62 |
0.66 |
0.52 |
0.53 |
0.58 |
|
Goods and service
exports |
0.50 |
0.64 |
0.29 |
0.66 |
0.61 |
0.58 |
0.62 |
0.46 |
0.49 |
0.54 |
|
Foreign direct
investment |
0.35 |
0.46 |
0.14 |
0.45 |
0.41 |
0.46 |
0.42 |
0.34 |
0.37 |
0.38 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Population indicators |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Urban Population |
0.50 |
0.55 |
0.62 |
0.58 |
0.53 |
0.49 |
0.59 |
0.50 |
0.53 |
0.55 |
|
Military personnel |
0.41 |
0.45 |
0.58 |
0.56 |
0.48 |
0.41 |
0.50 |
0.45 |
0.44 |
0.47 |
|
Population |
0.42 |
0.45 |
0.67 |
0.49 |
0.45 |
0.37 |
0.50 |
0.44 |
0.44 |
0.47 |
|
Literate Population |
0.40 |
0.44 |
0.64 |
0.49 |
0.46 |
0.38 |
0.48 |
0.38 |
0.46 |
0.46 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Technology indicators |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Total PCs |
0.53 |
0.66 |
0.35 |
0.69 |
0.62 |
0.64 |
0.64 |
0.49 |
0.53 |
0.57 |
|
Internet Users |
0.44 |
0.58 |
0.24 |
0.59 |
0.55 |
0.53 |
0.52 |
0.40 |
0.44 |
0.48 |
|
Mobile Phones |
0.42 |
0.55 |
0.26 |
0.53 |
0.52 |
0.50 |
0.53 |
0.45 |
0.42 |
0.47 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Globalization indicators |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Aircraft Departures |
0.37 |
0.52 |
0.23 |
0.53 |
0.50 |
0.42 |
0.42 |
0.35 |
0.41 |
0.42 |
|
Tourism, arrivals |
0.34 |
0.44 |
0.13 |
0.42 |
0.42 |
0.42 |
0.44 |
0.34 |
0.35 |
0.37 |
|
Currency transfer
from abroad |
0.32 |
0.34 |
0.24 |
0.36 |
0.32 |
0.40 |
0.42 |
0.24 |
0.32 |
0.33 |
|
Tourism, receipts |
0.27 |
0.44 |
0.08 |
0.41 |
0.37 |
0.41 |
0.38 |
0.30 |
0.35 |
0.33 |
|
Workers remittances |
0.20 |
0.30 |
0.27 |
0.35 |
0.31 |
0.48 |
0.35 |
0.20 |
0.23 |
0.30 |
|
Development
assistance |
0.09 |
0.07 |
0.14 |
0.08 |
0.08 |
0.07 |
0.10 |
0.10 |
0.10 |
0.09 |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Physical Indicators |
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Kilometers of road |
0.37 |
0.41 |
0.45 |
0.44 |
0.41 |
0.36 |
0.44 |
0.36 |
0.34 |
0.40 |
|
Arable Land |
0.28 |
0.28 |
0.50 |
0.29 |
0.29 |
0.24 |
0.31 |
0.29 |
0.30 |
0.31 |
|
Surface area |
0.21 |
0.17 |
0.40 |
0.21 |
0.18 |
0.14 |
0.23 |
0.20 |
0.19 |
0.22 |
|
Freshwater
resources |
0.07 |
0.08 |
0.19 |
0.14 |
0.08 |
0.07 |
0.09 |
0.06 |
0.12 |
0.10 |
Three of four economic
indicators show strong correlation, though foreign direct investment shows no
meaningful correlation. Only one of four population indicators – urban
population – shows strong correlation, though the other three show some
correlation. Technology indicators fare similarly, with total PCs showing
strong correlation and the other two factors showing some correlation.
Six indicators chosen
to represent global interconnection correlate poorly to story counts. Aircraft
departures shows some correlation, correlating strongly to AltaVista, Google
and CNN’s results, but modestly overall. No other factors correlate strongly,
and none are worse than development aid and assistance, which bears the dubious
distinction of least correlated to media attention, a fact that comes as no
surprise to anyone who works in the International development community. Four
physical indicators – largely reflections of the size of a nation – also fail
to correlate meaningfully with article distribution.
It is worth noting how
abnormal BBC’s results appear in the comparison of nine media sources.
Comparing each source’s correlation to a given World Bank data set to the
average correlation to that data set, BBC is more than one standard deviation
away from the norm on 20 of 21 possible indicators. By contrast, three sites
are within standard deviation on all 21 indicators, and three other sites are
only outside of standard deviation on one or two indicators. CNN is outside the
standard deviation on four indicators, and the New York Post is outside on
five.
In contrast to all
other sites, BBC story distribution shows no meaningful correlation to any
economic indicators (it verges on a loose correlation to GDP, with R2=0.38). It shows strong correlation to all four
population indicators, and is the only site to show strong correlation to a
physical indicator (Arable land, R2=0.5)
Why does BBC present
such a different statistical profile from other news media outlets? In a word:
empire. BBC appears to have an editorial policy that mandates regular coverage
of nations formerly in the British Empire. Many of these nations have large
populations and small GDPs, and therefore the BBC attention is more closely
correlated to population factors than to economic ones. Before anointing the
BBC the champion of the poor, it’s worth noting that the BBC does not spend
noticeably more attention on poor countries in Central Asia or Central America
(areas where the British Empire was not colonially involved) than other news
media outlets.
It is also interesting
to note that the six sites with most similar correlation patters – AP, Reuters,
New York Times, Washington Post, AltaVista and Google – represent the shortest
timeframes, ranging from 14 to 90 days. It’s possible that correlations over a
wider timeframe show a different pattern than correlations over a short time
period. In other words, if we could examine shorter time slices of CNN and New
York Post data, they might look more similar to the data of the six most
similar sites.
It remains to be seen
whether such correlations will hold true over time. Early results suggest they
will be. Correlations performed with Google data on May 5, 2003 – a period that
should have no overlapping stories with the period considered in this paper –
showed 0.67 correlation to GDP (compared to 0.62 with current data) and 0.44
correlation to population data (compared to 0.45 with current data).
While these
correlations and lack of correlations suggest something about media distribution
– namely that it may have more to do with economics than with population
distribution – they suggest a challenging question: should one really expect
media distribution to be connected to these sorts of factors? After all, one
reads very few news stories that report that Japan’s GDP is still vastly larger
than Nigeria’s – shouldn’t news to be closely correlated to things that occur,
like natural disasters and wars?
Fortunately for the
world’s population, and unfortunately for statisticians, all nations are not
uniformly plagued with wars and natural disasters. While it would be
statistically convenient to compare the coverage a war in Sudan receives to the
coverage a war in similarly-sized Canada experiences, Canada has been reluctant
to comply by engaging in a military conflict.
Instead of working
from a 150-data point World Bank set, it is useful to consider Project
Ploughshare’s Armed Conflict Report[3]
, which lists 29 countries “hosting” armed conflicts in 2001, their most recent
data set. When one examines CNN results for these 29 nations (because CNN is
one of two data sets that includes all of 2001, and the other one, BBC, is not
representative of the other eight sets), it becomes clear that that hosting a
conflict increases a nation’s visibility, but not as much as might be expected.
15 of the 29 have fewer stories than predicted by a population estimation,
while eight have more than predicted. (The remaining six are within the
predicted range.) The results are almost inverted considering attention versus
GDP – 18 of the 29 have more stories than predicted by GDP, while only five
have fewer.
|
|
Stories |
Pop Estimate |
GDP estimate |
Pop Variance |
GDP Variance |
|
Chad |
5 |
475 |
110 |
-98.95 % |
-95.50% |
|
Nigeria |
623 |
2959 |
922 |
-78.94% |
-32.40% |
|
Myanmar |
414 |
1550 |
1213 |
-73.30% |
-65.87% |
|
Guinea |
152 |
462 |
166 |
-67.09% |
-8.17% |
|
Senegal |
201 |
545 |
221 |
-63.13% |
-8.96% |
|
India |
5486 |
11472 |
4555 |
-52.18% |
20.43% |
|
Burundi |
213 |
436 |
63 |
-51.14% |
235.67% |
|
Congo Dem. Rep. |
815 |
1634 |
237 |
-50.12% |
243.45% |
|
Uganda |
491 |
949 |
252 |
-48.24% |
95.10% |
|
Sudan |
631 |
1177 |
422 |
-46.38% |
49.48% |
|
Colombia |
782 |
1437 |
1446 |
-45.59% |
-45.91% |
|
Nepal |
534 |
970 |
248 |
-44.95% |
115.00% |
|
Algeria |
681 |
1156 |
1106 |
-41.08% |
-38.41% |
|
Angola |
432 |
674 |
352 |
-35.91% |
22.84% |
|
Somalia |
352 |
520 |
204 |
-32.30% |
72.97% |
|
Sierra Leone |
363 |
358 |
67 |
1.39% |
441.69% |
|
Kenya |
1191 |
1153 |
397 |
3.26% |
200.09% |
|
Sri Lanka |
902 |
834 |
494 |
8.09% |
82.74% |
|
Indonesia |
4917 |
4038 |
2094 |
21.77% |
134.80% |
|
Rwanda |
634 |
476 |
115 |
33.23% |
453.15% |
|
Turkey |
2659 |
1948 |
2116 |
36.49% |
25.63% |
|
Iran |
2819 |
1873 |
1788 |
50.50% |
57.69% |
|
Pakistan |
5286 |
3129 |
1158 |
68.95% |
356.54% |
|
Philippines |
3670 |
2126 |
1317 |
72.64% |
178.70% |
|
Russian Federation |
10273 |
3176 |
3435 |
223.43% |
199.03% |
|
Afghanistan |
5866 |
1066 |
592 |
450.23% |
891.36% |
|
Yugoslavia |
3973 |
577 |
385 |
588.65% |
933.02% |
|
Iraq |
7796 |
975 |
1162 |
699.98% |
570.85% |
|
Israel |
7456 |
412 |
1728 |
1709.83% |
331.36% |
In other words, a
nation hosting a violent conflict appears likely to command more attention than
it would simply based on its economic strength. This increased attention is not
enough to raise the level of attention to that which a wealthy country of the
same size would expect. Sudan demands more attention than Tanzania (similar
size, similar size of economy) but less attention than Canada (similar size,
much larger economy), despite the fact that Sudan is hosting a violent
conflict.
The results listed
above are obviously not comprehensive – charts and maps of all results generated
by GAP scrapers are available for download at h2odev.law.harvard.edu/ezuckerman[4].
Conclusions
After comparing the
GAP profiles of different media outlets, it is possible to make a few broad
generalizations:
v Media attention is not homogenous – nations are
not covered equally. A small number of nations receive a large share of the
attention of a given media outlet.
v No single factor explains the distribution of
media attention perfectly. If one estimates distribution based on population
figures, fewer stories than expected tend to appear about poor nations and more
stories than expected appear about small, wealthy nations. If one estimates
based on national GDP, certain large economies, especially in South America,
are underrepresented. And, with either estimation, the Middle East is
overrepresented.
v While no single factor correlates perfectly to
the distribution of media attention, national GDP and imports of goods and
services correlate more closely than any other factor. In general, economic and
technology factors correlate more closely than population factors. Physical
attributes of nations and factors related to international communications and
travel do not appear to correlate to media attention distribution.
v Some evidence exists that the relationship
between media distribution and population or GDP holds true over both long and
short periods of time.
v While six of nine media outlets exhibited very
similar behavior, and two others roughly similar behavior, BBC demonstrated
radically different patterns. The distribution of BBC’s attention is closely
correlated to population distribution and not strongly correlated – if at all –
to GDP distribution.
v Violent conflict draws attention to a nation,
but less than might be expected. A nation hosting a violent conflict will
receive more attention than a peaceful nation with a similarly sized economy.
It will not receive more attention than a similarly-sized, peaceful nation with
a much larger economy, suggesting that GDP may be a more important factor in explaining
media distribution than violent conflict.
This paper focuses on
correlating factors to observed patterns, rather than trying to demonstrate
causality. In particular, the intent of this paper is not to suggest that media
sources consciously tailor their reporting to national GDP, with editors
checking the wealth of nations before deploying reporters abroad.
Figuring out what
actually causes media distribution likely requires investigation of entirely
different factors. Where do media outlets position their reporters, and how do
they make those decisions? How does the ease or difficulty of traveling to a
given nation (Myanmar, for instance) influence the amount of attention a media
source is able to pay to it? These questions are beyond the scope of this
paper, but need to be addressed before suggesting causality of media attention
distribution.
A final conclusion of
this paper is a warning for all media consumers – caveat emptor. It is
clear that all news media outlets studied in this paper have large blank spots
in their global attention maps. Future GAP papers will attempt to chart these
blank spots more accurately and make it possible for media consumers to make
better choices or lobby their media outlets for more global coverage.
Next section: Future Steps and
Acknowledgements | Index
[1] It is unlikely that BBC consciously chose for its coverage to tightly track population distribution, just as it is unlikely CNN chose to closely track capital distribution. It’s more likely that BBC has an unstated policy of closely following former British colonies, which keeps it focused on Africa and South Asia.
[2] “Google News (Beta)”, http://news.google.com/intl/en_us/about_google_news.html, accessed July 31,2003.
[3] “The
Armed Conflict Report 2000”,
http://www.ploughshares.ca/CONTENT/ACR/ACR00/ACR00.html, accessed July 31,2003.
[4] Readers are welcome to download any or all data sets and correlate them to other factors, and this author welcomes correspondence, especially correspondence including additional results.